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A functional analysis of the particle ṛā- in the Arabic dialect of Tunis

Stephan Procházka, Ines Dallaji


Seiten 44 - 72

DOI https://doi.org/10.13173/zeitarabling.70.0044






All Maghrebi dialects of Arabic make use of a number of discourse particles. Most common is the particle ṛā-, which ultimately derives from the imperative of the Classical Arabic verb ‘to see, to look’. Earlier studies claimed that this particle is less frequent in the Arabic of Tunis than in those of Algeria and Morocco. However, this assessment has proven to be inaccurate.


Based on the analysis of a Tunisian corpus consisting mainly of conversations rather than narratives, we found that this particle is almost twice as frequent as in comparable data from Morocco. In this study, we present an overview of the most important formal settings of the particle's possible environment and positions in an utterance. The introductory section is followed by an in-depth analysis of the particle's functions in which we discuss the most striking differences between the usage of “inflected” forms, which bear pronominal suffixes, and the invariable form ṛā-hu. The former mainly focus on the predicate whereas the latter stands outside of the proposition and focuses on the utterance as a whole. We also found that in the contemporary Arabic of Tunis ṛā- is rarely used as a purely deictic presentative (like ‘Here/There it is!‘), though in a study of the late 19th century this was described as very common. Modal functions, among them assertion, emphasis, contrast, and assumption, by far preponderate. Another frequent use is the introduction of the apodosis of a conditional clause. The result of our analysis is that the particle ṛā- shares many functions throughout the various Maghrebi dialects, but there are also significant differences in its usage.


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